Protecting culture from cultural imperialism: A case study involving the Korean film industry and Hollywood film.

Thompson (cited in Rantanen 2005, p. 5) defined globalisation as ‘the growing interconnectedness of different parts of the world, a process which gives rise to complex forms of interaction and interdependency’. Examining the definition, he emphasized the ‘interactivity’ of globalisation, which means interchange between nations. When it comes to the media, cultural products such as films can be exchanged easily across geographical borders thanks to globalisation (Croteau et al. 2012, p. 327). As Waters (cited in Rantanen 2005, p. 5) argues, culture is an expression of symbols representing values, meanings, beliefs and preferences. In this context, the globalisation of media involves both positives and negatives. It is up to how well the cultural products interact in different countries. This paper examines the negative consequences of globalisation, especially cultural imperialism through the screening of Hollywood movies. The paper also discusses a protective film policy in Korea for the purpose of safeguarding its film industries and maintaining Korean culture.

Nowadays, U.S. culture such as American television programs, films, and music are common in other countries across the world (Croteau et al. 2012, p. 333). Film and television are regarded as American ‘soft power’ embodying in the American way of life (De Zoysa, R, & Newman 2002, p. 189). Lee (2005, p. 1) describes films as ‘the main vehicle for cultural expression’. This means films have an important role in helping promote cultural identities (Lee 2005, p. 1). In many countries, increasing U.S. dominance has brought about the decline of domestic film industries. It is considered as a threat to cultural sovereignty and domestic film industries (Lee & Bae 2004, p. 163).

When it comes to film exports, Hollywood films account for 85% of the world market in general (UNESCO 2000). Specifically, according to EurAcitv (cited in Croteau et al. 2012, p. 333), European Union movie theatres were dominated by American movies attracting over 67% of European audiences in 2009. In contrast, according to European Audiovisual Observatory European (cited in Croteau et al. 2012, p. 333), European films accounted for less than 7% of the North American film market share in 2010. Moreover, U.S. films have a worldwide share of 90% in many countries including Canada, Australia, Norway, Switzerland, Belgium, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Indonesia, Taiwan (Lee 2005, p. 1). These statistics definitely show American ‘soft power’.

Some people argue that increasing US dominance for a number of years has led to a form of cultural imperialism. Tunstall (cited in Tomlinson 2002, p. 8) describes cultural imperialism as large quantities of commercial and media products, mainly form the United States that have contributed to a decline of traditional and local cultures in many parts of the world. Western media products have contributed to the spread of its values and the habits of its culture (Tomlinson 2002, p. 3). For instance, values of individualism and consumerism are resent in western cultural products (Croteau et al. 2012, p. 333). Anti-cultural imperialists worry that these western media products result in the decline of local cultures, sometimes even clashing with traditional values (Croteau et al. 2012, p. 333). China’s film industry during the 1930s and the 1940s can be seen an example of the cultural imperialism of Hollywood movies. From 1919 to 1949, Hollywood films had an effect on the Chinese film industry directly (Su 2011, p. 196). During the 1930s and the 1940s, Hollywood films were a symbol of ‘modernity’ including the American lifestyle (Su 2011, p. 196). U.S cultural values clashed with traditional Chinese ethical and moral standards and consequently traditional Chinese values were undermined by Hollywood films (Su 2011, p. 196).

Under such circumstances, in order to protect their own culture and domestic film industries, countries impose many protective film policies such as subsidies, import quotas, screen quotas and television quotas (Cheng et al. 2010, p. 270). Specifically, 15 countries adopt screen quota systems, including 7 countries in Asia (Korea, India, China, Egypt, Pakistan, Indonesia, Sri Lanka), 5 countries in South America (Brazil, Mexico, Columbia, Argentina, Venezuela) and 3 countries in Europe (Greece, Spain, France) (Cheng et al. 2010, p. 270; Lee 2005, p. 8).

A screen quota system is ‘a governmental regulation that makes it compulsory for movie theatres to screen the feature films of national origin for a specified period of time’ (Lee & Bae 2004, p. 164). Korea reduced its minimum screening days from 146 days to 73 days in a year because the U.S pushed the Korean government to remove this system (Lee & Bae 2004, p. 164; John 2002). There were disputes in Korea as to whether ‘the screen quota system’ should be reduced, if not completely removed a few years ago (Seo 2005, p. 1). Advocates of the screen quota emphasize cultural diversity, cultural exceptions and national identity (Seo 2005, p. 1). They argue that this system effectively protects the Korean film industry and the diversity of films from the flood of Hollywood movies (Seo 2005, p. 2). On the other hand, opponents of the screen quota contend that the screen quota system is against the principle of free trade and limits domestic consumers’ choices (Seo 2005, p. 2).

 

Even though screen quotas were first introduced to Korea in 1966, this system did not play any significant role in protecting Korea’s film industries until 1993 (Lee & Bae 2004, p. 165). This is because the government controlled the Korean film market (Lee 2005, p. 17). In order to enforce the system effectively, screen quota watchers were created and started to keep an eye on the minimum quota requirement in 1993 (Lee 2005, p. 17). The screen quota system operated effectively from this year. This is because when movie theatres did not keep the exact days, violators were punished by the penal regulation (Lee 2005, p. 19). As movie theatres kept a minimum screening period, for the first time, the number of domestic film exhibition days (111 days) reached the minimum quota requirement (106 days) in 1998 (Lee 2005, p. 19).

In respect of the diversity of films, Korean audiences can watch diverse films thanks to the enforcement of the screen quota system. With the opening of the Korean film market in 1987, U.S. films’ market share increased from 45%-50% to 75% (1997-1998) at its highest (Lee 2005, p. 24). Then it decreased to the level of 45% -50% until 2002 (Lee 2005, p. 24). Today, despite recent US pressure, the share of Korean films being shared in Korea is over 50%. According to CDMI report (cited in Lee 2005, p. 24), in order to enhance the screen quota system, the Korean film community is calling for the introduction of Art Film Screen Quota, including Third world films to proceed even further diversity.

In conclusion, this paper has explored the negative consequences of globalisation, especially cultural imperialism through the screening of Hollywood movies. It has suggested that films have a significant role in helping promote cultural identities and argues that in many countries, increasing U.S. dominance brings about the decline of domestic film industries.  The paper also has discussed the protective film policy in Korea to safeguard its film industries and the examination has found that the Korean screen quota system has played an important role in promoting and preserving the Korean film industry.

 

Bibliography

Cheng, H, Feng, J, Koehler, G, & Marston, S 2010, 'Entertainment without borders: the impact of digital technologies on government cultural policy', Journal Of Management Information Systems, vol. 27, no. 3, pp. 269-302, retrieved 4 October 2012, Business Source Complete, EBSCOhost.

Croteau, D, Hoynes, W, Milan, S 2012, Media/society: industries, images, and audiences, SAGE, California.

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Seo, Y 2005, 'The Politics of the 'Screen Quota System' in Korea: art, culture, and film in the age of global capitalism', Conference Papers -- American Political Science Association, pp. 1-24, retrieved 30 July 2012, Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost.

Su, W 2011, 'Resisting cultural imperialism, or welcoming cultural globalization? China's extensive debate on Hollywood cinema from 1994 to 2007', Asian Journal Of Communication, vol. 21, no. 2, pp. 186-201, retrieved 23 September 2012, Communication & Mass Media Complete, EBSCOhost.

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W8. Celebrity and related industry

 The ascendancy of the celebrity is one of the distinctive features of late twentieth and early 21^st century western culture (Furedi 2010, p. 493). Celebrities are role-models for millions, especially younger citizens (Couldry & Markham 2007, p. 404). I discuss the celebrity associated with the related industry.

Who comes to your mind when you think about Korean celebrity? Korean singer PSY who sang the popular song ‘GANGNAM STYLE’ or girl’s generation? Today, I want to introduce figure skater ‘Kim Yu-na’ who is my role model as Korean celebrity. In 2010 Vancouver Olympic, she became South Korea’s first Olympic champion in figure skating.  In South Korea, she sells everything from cars to jewelry.

Specifically, the jewelry company ‘J.ESTINA’ can be good example of the related industry, advertising. To match her reputation, the jewelry company ‘J.ESTINA’ with the tiara logo used Kim Yu-na as its model. In Korea, this brand has a great vogue among young women as premium brand although it was established recently than other luxury jewelry companies such as ‘Swarovski’, ‘Agatha’ and ‘Lovcat’. According to Watson et al. (2012, p. 263), a number of studies have shown that the use of models can be an effective tool in advertising. Celebrities can serve as role models for consumers, and this is one of the reasons why celebrity endorsement is used as a tactic in the promotion of a wide range of products and services (Watson et al. 2012, p. 263).

 

References

Couldry, N, & Markham, T 2007, 'Celebrity culture and public connection: Bridge or chasm?', International Journal Of Cultural Studies, vol. 10, no. 4, pp. 403-421, retrieved 30 August 2012, Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost.

Furedi, F 2010, 'Celebrity Culture', Society, 47, 6, pp. 493-497, retrieved 30 August 2012, Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost.

Watson, J, Hill, A2012, Dictionary of Media and Communication Studies, Bloomsbury Academic, London and New York.

Sources

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W7. Northwest Africa Film as 'Third Cinema'

Have you ever seen the African film? If I do not take unit ‘cinemas and culture’, I also do not take the opportunity to see the Africa movie like most of people who are used to Hollywood movie. This unit deals emerging national and transnational cinemas across four regions and Francophone Northwest Africa is one of them. This week, I will explore Northwest Africa film as third cinema in relation with local identity.

According to Mestman (2011, p. 29), ‘Third Cinema’ referred to a cinema of ‘cultural decolonisation’ for the Third World that was defined in opposition to the cinema of Hollywood (First Cinema) and sought to overcome the limitations attributed to the so-called ‘auteur cinema’ (Second Cinema). African characters in early West African film were predominantly absent and/or voiceless (Thackway 2007, p. 458). Thus after that, film became a means of challenging Western hegemony for many filmmakers (Thackway 2007, p. 459). Film offered filmmakers a medium in which to restore African dignity by establishing perspectives and voices that portray African realities from an African point of view (Thackway 2007, p. 459).

The NW Africa film, Keita: The Heritage of the Griot can be a good example. This film is based on the African oral epic Sundjata and deals the conflict between the old and the new legacies (Ogwang 1997, p. 110). Many people in African communities and nations have faced a grievous issue how to balance between tradition and modern world (Ogwang 1997 p. 110). In this context, Keita raises a question about local identity as Northwest African living in a global world.

References

Mestman, M 2011, 'Third Cinema/Militant Cinema: At the Origins of the Argentinian Experience (1968-1971)', Third Text, vol. 25, no. 1, pp. 29-40, retrieved 27 August 2012, Art & Architecture Complete, EBSCOhost.

Ogwang, EO 1997, ‘Review Keita: The Heritage of the Griot’, Dir: DaniKouyate, in Folklore Forum, vol. 28, no. 1, pp. 109-110, retrieved 27 August 2012,

Thackway, M 2007 ‘Future Past: Integrating orality into Francophone West African film’, Codell, J (ed) Genre, Gender, Race, and world cinema, Malden, MA, Blackwell.

Resources

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mubi.com

(W6) The Old Public Sphere VS The New Public Sphere

Jurgen Habermas defined the term ‘public sphere’ as:

A domain of our social life where such a thing as public opinion can be formed [where] citizens… deal with matters of general interest without being subject to coercion…[to] express and publicize their views

At first time, in the nineteenth century, it was a place such as coffee houses where private individuals coming together to discuss (Sinekopova 2006, p. 505).

Nowadays, a transnational public sphere has appeared thanks to the rapid spread of globalized media communication throughout the world (Mules 1998, p. 24). The social networking sites like Facebook and Twitter have replaced the old way of communication (Deepa et. al 2012, p. 66). As a result, social media have received a significant amount of attention as public sphere in recent years. Virtual spaces like Twittersphere allow communities to form organically around topics and shared interests as old public sphere (Gunton & Davis 2012, 226).

The presence or absence of physical spaces is the biggest difference between the old public sphere and the new. In many cases, these online-communities could not exist in physical spaces because of geographic distance between members (Gunton & Davis 2012, 226). Pro-virtual sphere argue that this new public sphere increases the power to act by providing information and creating contact with other. Also the new public sphere can improve democracy and be an ‘electronic agora’. However, some people worried about virtual spaces. They said that issues of concern are mainly to the community and it causes expertise to undermine.

Reference

Deepa S., D, Chopade, N & Ranjith, P 2012, ‘Social Networking Sites-A New Era of 21^st Century’, SIES Journal Of Management, vol. 8, no. 1, pp. 66-73, retrieved 19 August 2012, Business Source Complete, EBSCOhost.

Gunton, L, & Davis, K 2012, 'Beyond broadcasting Customer service, community and information experience in the Twittersphere', Reference Services Review, vol. 40, no. 2, pp. 224-227, retrieved 19 August 2012, Computers & Applied Sciences Complete, EBSCOhost.

Mules, W 1998, 'Media Publics and the Transnational Public Sphere', Critical Arts: A South-North Journal Of Cultural & Media Studies, vol. 12, no. 1/2, p. 24, retrieved 19 August 2012, Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost.

Sinekopova, GV 2006, 'Building the Public Sphere: Bases and Biases', Journal Of Communication, vol. 56, no. 3, pp. 505-522, retrieved 19 August 2012, Communication & Mass Media Complete, EBSCOhost.

Sources

http://www.iconspedia.com/icon/twitter-sphere-icon-29074.html

W5

Koreans have long believed in the myth that Korea is a homogenous nation. There is no doubt that Korea is a homogeneous nation speaking one language. I am not alone in this belief. A research shows that most of Koreans feel the same. 2000 Koreans were asked a question, ‘do you think that Korea is a homogeneous nation?’; 65.2% believe that we are a homogeneous nation. Shockingly, however, Wook Kim surveying origin of Korea commented that Korea is not a single race country, but a multi-race nation (SBS special 2006). Also Korea is not free from multicultural society anymore because of Southeast Asian women’s marriages to Koreans. Today I will explore a transnational culture associated with cultural identity, language and nationality.

In our globalised environment, there are physical flows, cultural flows and media flows. All the parts of flows affect each other and change dynamically. Transnationalization of Korean popular culture can be a good example. The term ‘transnationalism’ was coined by Koichi Iwabuchi and he used this term to mention the nationalistic ways in which the export of Japanese popular culture (JOO 2011, p. 489).

Recently K-pop concerts in Paris ended in great success. I can even feel the effects of K-pop culture because fans who have yet to see it on stage were formed flash mobs to hope more concerts (Chung 2011). The popularity of K-pop culture has truly become international. What makes Korean wave so-called ‘hallyu’ possible? That is a media such as the internet! Fans make K-pop expansion to share and reproduce music videos on YouTube and social networking sites (AHN 2011, p. 82).

 

References

AHN, S 2011, 'Girls' Generation and the New Korean Wave', SERI Quarterly, vol. 4, no. 4, pp. 80-86, retrieved 14 August 2012, Business Source Complete, EBSCOhost.

Chung, A 2011, ‘Book probes transnational identity of ‘hallyu’’, Korea Times, 29 July, retrieved 14 August 2012, <ttp://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/art/2011/07/142_91849.html>

JOO, J 2011, 'Transnationalization of Korean Popular Culture and the Rise of 'Pop Nationalism' in Korea', Journal Of Popular Culture, vol. 44, no. 3, pp. 489-504, retrieved 13 August 2012, academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost,.

SBS special, television program, SBS, Seoul, 5 November.

Sources

kimgiza.com